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Sexuality, State, and Civil Society in Germany, 1700-1815, by Isabel V. Hull
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Winner of the 1996 Leo Gershoy Award given by the American Historical Association Winner of the 1996 Berkshire Prize
"With great intellectual energy and resourcefulness, [Hull] has placed a new set of issues on our scholarly agenda. After reading Sexuality, State, and Civil Society in Germany, 1700-1815, no one will view this period in quite the same way again."--James H. Sheehan, Times Literary Supplement
"Hull analyzes the evolving bureaucratic understanding of heterosexuality during the transition from absolutist moral regulation of sexual practices for the public good to the formation of a bourgeois civil society of privacy and property. . . . [She] offers a remarkable look at the sexual dimension of the liberal social contract and at those whose sexual liberty was assured thereby."--Choice
"Isabel Hull's book is a very rich study, not only in detail and scope, but also in its theoretical implications--for the development of modern ideas of sexuality, for the development of civil society, and for the role of the state in regulating sexual matters of all types. It is bold, risky, often funny, elegant in its argument, beautifully written--and speaks to an audience far beyond its likely specialist readers."--from the Berkshire Prize citation
- Sales Rank: #4156870 in Books
- Brand: Brand: Cornell University Press
- Published on: 1996-01
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 1.41" h x 6.37" w x 9.59" l, 2.03 pounds
- Binding: Hardcover
- 488 pages
- Used Book in Good Condition
Review
"With great intellectual energy and resourcefulness, Hull has placed a new set of issues on our scholarly agenda. After reading Sexuality, State, and Civil Society in Germany, 1700–1815, no one will view this period in quite the same way again."―James H. Sheehan, Times Literary Supplement
"Hull analyzes the evolving bureaucratic understanding of heterosexuality during the transition from absolutist moral regulation of sexual practices for the public good to the formation of a bourgeois civil society of privacy and property. . . . She offers a remarkable look at the sexual dimension of the liberal social contract and at those whose sexual liberty was assured thereby."―Choice
"An unusually creative and important book, its argument is built on research remarkable in breadth and depth and its implications radiate from the focus on sexuality to a great variety of related themes. . . . Sexuality, State, and Civil Society invites skepticism about itself precisely because its author brings such a powerful historical imagination to her subject. It is a book to be welcomed, appreciated, and pondered."―Journal of Modern History
About the Author
Isabel V. Hull is John Stambaugh Professor of History at Cornell University. She is the author of A Scrap of Paper: Breaking and Making International Law during the Great War, Absolute Destruction, and Sexuality, State and Civil Society in Germany, 1700–1815, all from Cornell.
Most helpful customer reviews
1 of 1 people found the following review helpful.
Well Researched and Enlightening
By Rocco
Isabel Hull investigates the "sexual system," "the patterned ways in which sexual behavior is shaped and given meaning through institutions," in early modern Germany, in Sexuality, State and Civil Society in Germany, 1700-1815 (1). This well documented and detailed, post-modernist work illuminates the reciprocal relations between not only the sexual system vis-�-vis the state and civil society, but also between "private" and "public" society. Through an analysis of numerous era state documents as well as numerous secondary sources, Hull contends "that the sexual system itself cannot be understood at all except in relation to" the burgeoning German civil society and the state (6). Moreover, in a vein similar to Joan Scott as well as Kate Millet, Hull points out the social, culturally defined categorizations of gender that metaphysically and psychologically defined and permeated early modern German government, society, culture and customs. In this sense, Hull's tome also offers valuable insight into a linguistic turn, as well as the vacillation of agency and experience between physical body and abstraction within the discourse of early modern Germany.
A key feature of Hull's analysis is her focus upon the Absolutist relationship with sexual discourse. "The absolutist state was genuinely intent on safeguarding the villages and families" of its realm (50). However, as Hull illuminates, the state's motive was more economic than moral. For example, the state was concerned with illegitimate offspring in regards to employment and hence regional social tranquility (avoidance of uprisings by the unemployed). Moreover, the state, as well as bureaucrats, held the assumption that the king was emblematic of the family structure, in that fathers would marry, produce children, and run a patriarchal structured household. Parents were, therefore, "the first-line police force of the state" (51).
The repetition of laws against incest or adultery were often issued not because of Draconian measures carried out by the state, but, rather because of "their perceived failure" by the state to enforce "proper" sexuality (105). Thus, the proliferation of corollaries concerning such laws does not, as some scholars argue, provide evidence of an uber-state that regulated the "sexual system." The state was simply responding to various instances of sexual behavior throughout Germany that defied cultural norms. Royal expressions of piety were likely most successful in maintaining the cultural conceptions and practices of sexual conduct. Therefore, "the sentence" for a crime such as incest was typically "first spoken in its extremity and then afterward made milder" (104). As Hull indicates, utilizing a more post-modern, linguistic approach, these findings on the jurisdiction and power of the central state are in opposition to the typical notion that absolutist states sought to control society. "Where absolutism did impose new sexual norms, these were more inclined toward gender equality than those of the liberal, civil society that succeeded it" (3).
Hull's take on the Enlightenment, and its impact upon the "sexual system," constitutes a critical aspect of her cultural argument. "Enlightenment precepts dominated literate culture," as "around 70 percent" of Germanic speakers were literate (west of the Elbe) by 1800 (202). The Enlightened thinkers carried on "a public debate on the (sexual) ligaments holding that [civil] society together or threatening to pull it apart" (200). " Late eighteenth-century discussion of sexual behavior and its impact on state and society...laid the foundation for the `modern' assumptions about `sexuality'" (200). Enlightenment debates were concerned less with class than with gender. In elaborating "the moral code" of society, the men of the Enlightenment era "sought primarily to recast relations among men" (225). Thus, women were, in effect, labeled and categorized as well, in relation to gender defined male roles in the "sexual system." Gender classifications within the framework of "natural laws," Hull contends, "seemed a logical extension" of the Enlightenment era which sought to explain relationships through "natural universals" (225). Furthermore, classifying morality and gender relations helped to imbibe concepts of "the future civil society" envisioned by Enlightenment thinkers (230).
Another key theme for Hull is the creation of "public" and "private" spheres. She investigates the role of the cameralists in creating these separate spheres. The cameralists were "the first theorists of German civil society" (155). They focused upon the Gemeinwohl (common good) in an effort to not only enhance their respective prince's prestige, but also to "conceive of a civil society on its own terms separately from government (161). Although they emphasized improving the economic stead of their region, their most pressing concern "was always society in its organized entirety" (161). The way in which cameralists such as Justi and Thomasius framed "desire" and "happiness," as well as the cameralist view that "order" went hand in hand with "morality," laid the groundwork for the development of a "private" sphere. The Enlightened era worked to create a male dominated "private sphere," which subjugated women within a patriarchal hierarchy, clearly delineating the cultural conception of gender (207). Hence, men created a private sphere for men. However, the female sphere existed vis-�-vis the male sphere; they were "sexual derivatives of men" (251).
Hull presents a post-modern, gender history that questions and challenges previously held ideations concerning the political, social and cultural interactions within the Holy Roman Empire from 1700-1815. The post-modern lens permits a broader interpretation of the discourse while the feminist prism permits the reader to view the era and cultural region in a new and interesting light.
3 of 4 people found the following review helpful.
Wonderful Fusion of Empirical Research and Theory
By Matthew Rhyne
In Sexuality, State, and Civil Society in Germany, Isabel V. Hull argues that the philosophical and legal arguments surrounding sexuality, in terms of what were legal and illegal, moral and immoral, sexual relations, was a key element to the development of political identities in post-enlightenment Germany. She draws most of her evidence from various Bavarian legal codes, as well as the writings of influential thinkers, such as Johann van Justi and Immanual Kant and political reformers like Anselm Feuerbach and Napoleon. Using these sources, Hull concludes that the legal codes as well as the social pressure exuded by a burgeoning civil society formed a conceptualization of citizenship that was based on heterosexual relations within marriage. In effect, Hull's book demonstrates that rather than existing in separate social and analytical sphere, sexuality was fundamentally connected to political issues. While her prime interest is the relationship between sexuality and politics, her secondary arguments are just as important. In analyzing local and national laws and practices, Hull concludes that the 18th century was not a period of institutional centralization; local governments on the municipal and provincial level were still permitted considerable leeway in enforcing and developing the policies that regulated their populations. Also, she collapses the distinction between a public and a private sphere, arguing that especially when considering the importance of bedroom behavior to political matters, the private was public and vice versa. In this case she is directly challenging Jurgen Habermas' early theoretical distinction between the public and private. Additionally, she cites the growth of a civil society that pressured the official domain of the state as a key step in Germany's overall political transformation. Hull argues that the civil society's dissoanate voice debated and shaped enlightenment- inspired ideas, especially those regarding sexuality and citizenship.
In making her argument, Hull builds on some of the theoretical models advanced by Michel Foucault in the History of Sexuality Vol. 1. Firstly, she refutes the notion of sexual repression during the era, presenting the various debates surrounding masturbation, the sexual nature of men and women, as well as "deviant" sexual behavior (homosexuality, bestiality etc) as clear evidence that bedroom behavior was a primary subject of a larger public/political debate on citizenship. Moreover, Hull presents the legal/philosophical debates surrounding sexuality and gendered as serving the same "rationalizing" function in German society as scientia sexualis that, according to Foucault, legitimated the discussion and exploration of sexuality throughout the western world during the supposedly "repressed" Victorian era. However, while she clearly utilizes post-modern theoretical models, Hull is not ready to give up the conscious subject as a major factor in the development of gendered sexual/political standards. One of the key turning points in her narrative occurs when legislators and thinkers recognized that is was virtually impossible to police behavior, legal and illegal, in the bedchamber and thus actively shifted their regulatory ambitions to the one public sexual act: marriage.
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